Khaberni - In our view, Lindsey Graham’s remarks in a television interview a few weeks ago, where he said: “they are regressing,” were not particularly about Saudi Arabia, nor was his perspective about the upcoming crucial days specially directed at it. When asked about Saudi Arabia, his reply that "everyone must accept the reality" is not as important as the Saudi and broader Gulf perspective on the event landscape and how to deal with the conflicting parties, especially after Trump's statements at the Future Investment Initiative conference, where these countries reaffirmed their neutral stance in the ongoing war morning and evening.
The neutrality of these countries, along with Saudi Arabia, did not spare them from Iranian strikes; when Iran intended to strangle the United States in an unexpected attack, forcing them to retreat in face of the apparent situation. However, a truth that recently emerged showed Trump's intent to complicate the Gulf states' situation to the extent that they are forced to comply with normalization with Israel and to forfeit the high standards they set in proceeding in this context, establishing necessary alliances.
This revelation was clearer than those phrases hinting that Trump’s praise is never for free or just for appearance's sake. This became evident when no one paid attention to a few words Trump mentioned on the ground; outlining his path when he whispered into Erdogan’s ear about his historic achievement by taking over Syria through affiliated factions.
The push towards normalization was not a concern in itself at this stage; the idea of humanity converging in an area of understanding and cooperation is beautiful. If we add that some countries have already entered into "Abraham Accords," focusing on this point as a concern does not seem practical if we want to genuinely understand the fears that suddenly emerged just hours ago. We need to reassess Trump's acceptance of the Saudi-Pakistani defense agreement, where Saudi Arabia tried to turn away from American monopoly. This aspect concerns Saudi Arabia; though such calculations cast shadows over other countries.
Add to that Trump's idea of establishing the Peace Council. Trump will not be able to manage wars after his term ends, but he can "control wars" or manage peace through this council; elevating Israel as a platform to exert his coming authority post-presidency.
These Gulf fears appeared in several instances; they did not end with declarations on Arab satellite channels associated with their regimes: that the belief in an American-Israeli-Iranian conspiracy aiming to escalate the situation in the region generally and the Gulf particularly has become a reasonable concern. Especially with Iran allowing the passage of ten ships, in addition to twenty others Trump mentioned hours before. If this is coupled with the statements of the Egyptian president pleading Trump: that he "is the only one capable of ending the war," we can say: the Gulf's dealings with the parties of the war, and ways of ending it will change, but we need to realize that this change will force Trump—who is already obliged to continue his war even if it means a highly risky ground invasion—to change his dealings with the region’s parties.
Finally, we say: even Trump himself will not be able to end the war; he is compelled to continue after his failure, which explains the contradictions in his statements governed by the fluctuating arenas of domestic and international fields; yet he will thwart the efforts of Pakistan, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt for peace, leaving the crafting of peace and the extinguishing of wars branded in his name alone.
