Khaberni - I started my partisan life with the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine in 1969 when I was studying in Italy and continued my connection with the Front, and I was a central leader in it, until the formation of "Hashd" party as one of the branches of the Front in Jordan and departed from "Hashd" along with a broad group of activists and intellectuals, notably my comrade in struggle, the organic thinker Jameel Al-Nimri, after a sharp intellectual and organizational dispute focusing on the necessity for "Hashd" to be independent from the parent Democratic Front in addition to revisiting the rigid theoretical commitment to Marxism-Leninism and the Stalinist authoritarian structure of the organization, which relies on excessive centralization.
After that, I entered several party experiences alongside the current that split from "Hashd", without going into details, all were stumbling experiences.
After the outcomes of the Political Modernization Committee, where I was an active member, I continued the party activity in the Social Democratic Party led by comrade Jameel Al-Nimri, and refused to accept any leadership position and satisfied myself with heading the advisory council of the party and providing financial and logistical support to the youth sector.
Then, at the bidding of certain figures, a party under establishment (Development and Modernization Stream led by Mustafa Hamarneh) requested to merge with the party. I was not at ease with this and the merger was not on a solid basis, but R. Jameel’s genuine rush for the unity of the democratic stream made him make tremendous concessions to this group that took far more privileges than its size, and importantly this stream maintained itself and its leadership and pushed to attract disgruntled elements in the party using twisted methods, including incitement against the party's electoral list, and after the parliamentary elections managed to provide a majority in the political bureau, which came to be managed by the same person who originally belongs to the economic-political school of Basim Awad Allah and the actual agenda became the exclusion of the founding leaderships of the party and the thought of social democracy, and the party became colorless and tasteless, closer to a cultural body aligned with government policies rather than being an active opposition from the position of defending the interests of the common people, the very justification for the existence of the party and the thought it carries.
I bore my psychologically exhausting existence and the campaigns of demonization and insults in support of the party's youth and the founding generation. But the blockage of the democratic horizon against change and the rejection of the last dialogue initiative proposed to go to a conference to preserve the unity of the party with regular preparations and involvement of various bodies that were disabled such as the organization office, the secretariat, the board of trustees, and most importantly the general council (parliament of the party) which was completely ignored and its right to supervise the arrangements of the conference as the supreme authority in the party (four months had passed since the scheduled meeting which made me certain that the intention was monopolization and exclusion and coercive arrangements that ultimately snatch the party).
It's regrettable that foreign interventions embraced this coup, because the picture apparently needs tame parties with a scent of the left.
I am not the only one who washed his hands off the future and status of the party and resigned; R. Samar Dudin the former Secretary-General, and Sheikh Talal Madi the president of the General Council, and Dr. Mahmoud Al-Ababneh the president of the party court, and R. Tamara Al-Azzam responsible for women and a member of M.S., and dozens of cadres in the party branches preceded me.
The entire Jordanian party experience is in a maze, lacking the capabilities to rise. The Jordanian ruling political class still fears the emergence of independent national parties that engage in party work transparently and democratically. The Jordanian bureaucracy still controls the management of the political, parliamentary, and party scene; it deals with state institutions with superiority and cannot tolerate the slightest independence in discretion, thinking, and work even from state figures who believed and trusted in the political modernization project.
